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Pillar

The Human Person

The first pillar of a decent society is respect for the human person, which recognizes that all individual human beings have dignity simply because of the kind of being they are: animals whose rational faculties allow them to know, love, reason, and communicate. It also recognizes that human beings are persons, members of the human family who flourish in a community that respects their fundamental rights and who long to discover transcendent truths about the nature of reality.

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“Eggsploitation” reveals the predatory practices of the fertility industry, which lures young women in need of money to undergo medical procedures that carry the risk of severe long-term health problems.
Kevin Doyle’s review of Robert George's new book is based on a fundamental error. Conscience, rightly understood, is not simply self-will. Rather, conscience identifies one’s duties under the moral law.
The case of a Belgian woman who committed physician-assisted suicide after a sex-change operation reveals that we must not only look more closely at the causes of gender dysphoria, we must also offer all people the love that they so deeply need.
In contrast to the rhetoric of a “war on women,” recent polls reveal that the majority of American women support abortion restrictions and regulations. This is unsurprising, since unfettered abortion access hurts women and gives men a sexual advantage.
Radical, by Maajid Nawaz, brings the reader inside the individual human dynamics of one young man’s transition into extremist Islamism and his eventual departure from it.
Adults are bending time and space to satisfy their desire for children by adopting long-frozen embryos.
We need to offer cogent, rational arguments against non-discrimination laws that would de-segregate single-sex personal facilities.
The Supreme Court’s decision in Hosanna-Tabor v. EEOC shows that we need a workable legal framework for self-proclaimed religious organizations to claim protection under the Free Exercise Clause.
Because there is no central authority in Islam and many ambiguities exist within the Quran, the status of women in Islamic societies depends greatly on historical and cultural factors.
Many Muslims do not have the financial resources or social clout to combat political and religious extremism. Such extremism is further enabled by scholars who let themselves be bought by the rich or powerful.
The city council of Washington, DC should consider the psychological damage to children that would come of a new bill legalizing surrogacy contracts.
Third party reproduction corrupts the parent-child relationship and disrespects the humanity of donor-conceived people.
A young Muslim author learns to seek the truth about God through questioning instead of blind faith.
The expansion of physician-assisted suicide from the West to the East coast makes its legalization in other neighboring states much more likely.
Those of us who value life over death, vibrant religious exercise, and the good of natural marriage need to find our voice again even though the powers-that-be are redefining words arbitrarily and avoiding reason.
The abortion fight in Texas is a flashpoint in the culture war. But it need not be another skirmish in which the casualty is civility and reason. It is rather an opportunity for pro-lifers to seize the high ground of decorum and reasonableness.
There is nothing in the text, history, or tradition of the U.S. Constitution that precludes extending the most basic protections of the law to twenty week-old (or older) unborn children who are capable of experiencing pain. Adapted from testimony delivered on July 8th before the Texas State Senate Committee on Health and Human Services.
Death rights advocates can only win supporters by calling the act of killing something else.
The Left is adopting a Rousseauian view of religion’s role in public life: the state is to determine where, when, and how religious instruction should be permissible for citizens.
It doesn’t advance women’s equality or wellbeing for the law to allow late-term abortions for any reasons pertinent to a woman’s “health.”
Kermit Gosnell was not sentenced to life imprisonment for sloppiness, for insensitivity, for bad keepsakes, for a backed up drain, for fleas, or even for making women suffer. He was sentenced to life imprisonment for murdering three babies.
It is neither the impossibility of writing clear laws nor our inability to witness abortion that stops us from making it illegal. Instead it is the will to kill for convenience that drives some people to sustain the fiction that human life begins at birth.
Kermit Gosnell has been the equivalent of the American slave-dealer—someone who has done work rendered absolutely necessary by the twisted laws of his regime, but who has nevertheless been ignored or regarded with unease, and even repulsion, by his fellow citizens.
We don’t need a new resolution from Congress to address the wrongs of clinics like Kermit Gosnell’s—the Born-Alive Infants Protection Act already serves that purpose, and we should restore the civil penalties originally attached to it.

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