Pillar

Politics & Law

The third pillar of a decent society is a just system of politics and law. Such a government does not bind all persons, families, institutions of civil society, and actors in the marketplace to itself as subservient features of an all-pervading authority. Instead, it honors and protects the inherent equal dignity of all persons, safeguards the family as the primary school of virtue, and seeks justice through the rule of law.

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So long as the pro-life movement is part of the GOP coalition, the attractiveness of the pro-life message is affected by the attractiveness of the GOP. And it’s hard to grow the pro-life tent if the pro-life movement is bound up with a hard-right GOP that is repellent to centrist and center-left voters. 
In his day, Brownson advocated for a “long-term, multi-pronged rediscovery of the true Constitution,” an ordered liberty founded on a balance of unity in diversity based on natural law and the pursuit of the common good. He challenges us to “rediscover the true Constitution.” Now would be an appropriate time to follow his advice. 
The Court did not prescribe that states limit girls’ and women’s sports to the female sex. It merely held that states that did draw that line did not run afoul of Title IX and the Equal Protection Clause. For now, though, for girls like Adaleia Cross and for all friends of reason and common sense, the Supreme Court’s decision to call a spade a spade and sex sex is most welcome. 
With the current Second Amendment jurisprudence, its practitioners on the Court have utterly lost their way.  
Indeed, because our Constitution recognizes the right of both mother and father to the custody of their joint offspring, that Constitution surely permits—if not requires—all the states of our Union to publicly favor, once again, the lifelong “union between one man and one woman as husband and wife.” 
If the Florida bishops determine that immunizing their students is required for the common good, then their policy of mandatory vaccinations is, contra the Florida AG, supported by Catholic teaching.
There’s a way between the rule of an unaccountable bureaucracy and the reign of a king: constitutional government.
What steals our attention shapes our lives. 
A culture that continually invokes dignity while refusing to discuss its foundations may discover that the concept gradually loses its internal coherence. If man possesses a unique and inviolable worth, then reality itself must contain some explanation for that fact. 
The work, eleven years in, begins with honesty; the admission that Obergefell was not a neutral expansion of rights but a substitution of one set of duties for another, and that the duties it displaced were owed chiefly to children
Reflections on the nature of the American experiment in ordered liberty 
It is in accepting the poor and the wretched refuse that the greatness and promise of America are to be found.
We should dedicate part of our political efforts over the next twenty-five years to restoring the original understanding of the freedom of the press in American culture and constitutional law. 
There is no guarantee that the bioethics of our future will live up to America’s founding promises and insights. Those of us concerned that such a bioethics should exist must, as Lincoln said in honoring the dead of Gettysburg, “be dedicated to the unfinished work” of creating, sustaining, and defending that bioethics. It will be no small task, but I hope to have given some sense of what the shape of that task must be. 
Perhaps something in the American tradition could help us Europeans out of the lurch: the ability to change, to realize what had been wrongly done and understand that they urgently have to undo it.
Two hundred and fifty years since our nation’s founding, the public conscience has begun to replace its fidelity to inalienable rights and religious freedom with a state-enforced commitment to radical human autonomy.
What unions need is more internal flexibility. Workers need a way to voice their displeasure with union politics. And if voice isn’t enough, they need a realistic way out.
The true beauty of the American Founding is that it is rooted on the hope that “societies of men are really capable … of establishing good government from reflection and choice.” Throughout this book, it is evident that our author wonders at how the almost providential wisdom of the Constitutional Convention of 1787 achieved that—and such wonder is the very basis of political philosophy. It is only by recovering such a sensibility that Americans may make our Constitution efficacious once again. 
From the covenants of seventeenth-century England and colonial America to the doctrine of judicial review developed by Madison, Hamilton, and Marshall, the visible institutions of modern constitutionalism owe more to Christian traditions of covenant, jurisdictional pluralism, and Augustinian anthropology than is commonly recognized. 
Long before the separation of powers and judicial review were given written form, Greek philosophy, Roman law, Christian theology, and the medieval doctrine of paired jurisdictions laid the deeper architecture of constitutional government.  
As we approach the semiquincentennial, it is important to reflect on the spirit of 1776 and the principles of the Revolution that have shaped the American ethos. But it is also a time to reflect on how our various governmental structures uphold and preserve liberty. 
The broad acceptance by self-described conservatives of casual war, initiated without the approval of the clear constitutional authority of Congress, is in sharp contrast to the caution and prudence at the heart of the conservative disposition.
By re-energizing a state’s pro-life base and attracting enough swing voters to tip the scales, the movement can make real, even if “imperfect,” progress toward ending elective abortion in America.  

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