In a postmodern and increasingly siloed society that now lacks any universal moral codes or even reference points, it isn’t clear that the value of humanity itself can be successfully defended—at Yale or anywhere else.  
The Founders understood humanity’s inherent corruption and recognized that both civil and religious liberties rest on the common principle of faithfulness to God. If we lose sight of fidelity to God, we risk losing the moral foundation on which our liberties are built.  
The lesson here is as simple as it is profound. The market, meaning the right to quit and get another job on better terms, is the best protection for the worker.
Trauma-informed care promises to reveal and resolve the connection between present aberrant behavior and past mistreatment by others. But its political corollary valorizes victimhood, and its questionable logic has the potential to trap rather than free those who suffer from past wounds.  
What are the ethical issues surrounding government debt? This is a good time to start taking that question seriously.
A friendship begun in 1985, forged in shared Christian faith and encounters with human misery driven by animus toward religion, would become the ground on which a historic legacy would be built.
It is good to oppose communism. It is not good to oppose communism out of support for clerical fascism. 
China’s rise forces scholars and policymakers to confront an uncomfortable reality: that modernity no longer belongs to the West.
American self-government has not benefited from two generations of the Sullivan standard. 
There is something severe in this kind of wisdom, but also merciful. We cannot command that the past return what it has rightfully taken. We cannot bargain with time, or exempt ourselves, or those we love from the common fate of all mankind. We can only determine what shall be made of the days that remain to us. Stat sua cuique dies (“each has his appointed day”) as Jupiter spoke in Virgil’s Aeneid, reflecting on the mortality of mankind. That appointed day comes for each of us; what remains within our power is not to escape the limits of our nature, but to determine how we shall live within them. 
The New Dark Ages, which I hope will be widely read, is a brief, brisk, and persuasive book about the damage our screen life is doing to our social and political life. He puts the matter starkly in his introduction: “As reading fades I believe that we may find ourselves facing a post-literate future that resembles the pre-literate past: mystical, tribal, and autocratic.”
AI will make many cognitive techniques obsolete, and preserving them for their own sake would mistake difficulty for formation. Schools and workplaces should instead preserve or rebuild the learning functions that cultivate judgment, prudence, and human agency. 
Theory, though it blazed brightly for a time, was doomed to burn out. It simply could not give a deep account of the human condition and of those things that are most important to being human—e.g., love, altruism, friendship, gratitude—that fully reflect the human experience. 
Americans are fighting over who decides what’s true. Jews once argued for truth itself. Can Jews teach America how to argue yet remain united? 
So long as the pro-life movement is part of the GOP coalition, the attractiveness of the pro-life message is affected by the attractiveness of the GOP. And it’s hard to grow the pro-life tent if the pro-life movement is bound up with a hard-right GOP that is repellent to centrist and center-left voters. 
What modern culture discards as redundant, the ancient poets understood as the foundation of memory, identity, and human connection. 
In his day, Brownson advocated for a “long-term, multi-pronged rediscovery of the true Constitution,” an ordered liberty founded on a balance of unity in diversity based on natural law and the pursuit of the common good. He challenges us to “rediscover the true Constitution.” Now would be an appropriate time to follow his advice. 
An economy that continually makes demands of its workers while offering little security in return cannot escape the consequences of social disintegration.
Adam Smith’s timeless perspectives on connectivity still help make sense of the world 250 years after he first published The Wealth of Nations.
Labor Day gives us an important opportunity to reflect not only on the meaning of our work but also on how we choose to spend our leisure time.
Abuse is no argument against proper use. But AI’s challenges and opportunities are bound up with identifying the scale and scope of proper use as well as the consequences of abuse, and how to distinguish one from another.
If America’s unity frays, the problem is probably not its diversity, but that America needs its many cultural groups—and perhaps new ones—to contribute more of their special strengths to public life. 
It is up to American courts and legislators to create solutions that balance constitutional liberties with the need to protect children from preventable tragedies.
Technology is not our problem. Our problem is an obsessive concern for our own good, our distrust of others, and the terror of losing ourselves. No algorithm will solve this.