The attempts by both the right and the left to politicize our Constitution must be firmly rejected for the sake of our nation’s health and prosperity.
Pillar: <span>Business & Economics</span>
The fifth pillar, business and economics, is built upon concern for the common good and the ways in which the economic order contributes to—or detracts from—human flourishing. Public Discourse examines the ways in which the market is shaped by—and gives shape to—our understanding of the human person, the role of the family, the rule of law, and education and culture.
Five suggestions for how our nation can regain a healthy marriage culture and the economic prosperity and personal flourishing that comes with it. The second in a two-part series.
Research shows the positive economic effect of two-biological-parent families on our society. Single parenthood and other alternative family structures not only hurt our economy, they hurt our children, those who care for them, and those for whom our children will care later in life. The first in a two-part series.
Planned Parenthood must account for its disregard for the law if it wishes to retain state funding.
Our current economic debates underscore the case for an approach to political economy that rejects social contract theory and embraces a robust conception of human flourishing.
How and why considering distribution will yield a complete economic science. The second in a two-part series.
A new book challenges us to rediscover the missing element of our economic science. The first in a two-part series.
Aristotelian virtue ethics has very little to say about what is a good political structure or economic system.
Alasdair MacIntyre may be wrong about the details of finance, but he is right on the largest questions of political economy.
Public employee unions aren’t the only seekers of government largesse.
The history of federal abortion funding highlights the urgent need to reverse the new health care law’s assault on unborn life, and to enact a permanent, government-wide prohibition on federal funding of abortion.
Repealing health care is the next fight in the battle for life.
An uncertain legal landscape puts future prosperity at risk.
It is at our own peril that we ignore the nexus between moral convictions, the institutions in which they are realized, and our economic culture.
We need a healthcare law that is not only pro-life but that also addresses our healthcare system’s persistent problems and looming challenges.
To stimulate job creation, Democrats favor government spending and Republicans favor tax cuts, but is there a more direct way?
The practice of socially responsible investing, often associated with opposition to apartheid or support for environmental causes, can also be a way to battle the harms of pornography.
Social conservatives must understand and embrace America’s traditional economic culture before they can contribute to its renewal. Economic conservatives must expel the infection of shallow anthropology, vulgar utilitarianism, and metaphysical blindness that they picked up from progressivism in the 20th century.
The Tea Party taps into the full social and cultural power of transcendent moral appeals in a way that social conservatives have never been able to do. The first in a two-part series.
The government’s ability to print money at will is a nearly unquestioned feature of today’s economic order, but recent crises have highlighted its hazards.
In order to protect the unborn, we need to recognize mistakes made in the past and work to remedy them in the present.
In charting our future monetary policies, we should remember the trade-offs of competing alternatives.
Recent events suggest that Commonweal and Timothy Jost need to reassess their arguments about health care and abortion
The new health care law has endangered longstanding protections on conscience. We must act to address them or risk creating a dangerous precedent.
Under the new health-care law, pro-lifers may have to accept inferior health plans, rather than wrongly pay into abortion providing ones.