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Search Results for: social justice – Page 4

It is at our own peril that we ignore the nexus between moral convictions, the institutions in which they are realized, and our economic culture.
Last week at the National Press Club in Washington, D.C., the Witherspoon Institute reported a set of scholarly findings and recommendations on the social costs of pornography.
The focus of social conservatives on family and human dignity is as necessary today as ever. Even if today's hot-button issues fade, social conservatism will still be a force in our political life
John Haldane has reminded social conservatives in America of important political and moral truths, but he overlooks the necessity of engaging in partisan politics with eyes wide open to political realities.
What does the future hold for social conservatives in America? A British professor of philosophy writes to offer the advice of a friendly outsider: Don’t delude yourself into thinking the 2008 election was not a repudiation of the Bush administration, and keep in mind that aligning social conservatism too closely with either political party may prove fatal.
On social justice, human nature, timeless beauty, and the power of flexibility 
For the nineteenth-century Italian Jesuit Luigi Taparelli, social justice is not about redistributive justice by government fiat. Nor is it linked to some idea of absolute social or economic equality, as in progressive parlance. Instead, social justice according to Taparelli must be grounded in the principle of subsidiarity and linked to a theological understanding of economics.
My generation feels obligated to constrain our footprint in the name of social justice. I reject this. I cannot promise my children perfect comfort or safety in the world. But I can make their world—our home, our lives, our family—a mooring when everything else is guaranteed to be perpetually confused.
Since our founding, Public Discourse has sought to promote an approach to economics that focused on the common good. From early essays from our Founder and Editor-in-Chief, Ryan T. Anderson, on a natural law vision of social justice (the subject of his dissertation), to more recent essays from Senator Marco Rubio on the dignity of work and from our Editor, Serena Sigilito, on economic policy and childcare, Public Discourse has been a venue for conservative thinkers to explore how to best understand the relationship of the market and human flourishing. Here is a small sample of some of those early essays and more recent ones from the past year.
The fortieth anniversary of the Jonestown massacre should remind us to beware of utopian causes with totalitarian methods, on either political extreme. Though they promise social justice, they only deliver deadly power.
It’s time for Christians to partner with conservative Muslims and others who share traditional views on key social issues. And American Muslims should leave behind their lockstep alliance with the social justice left.
Sustainability encompasses not only a particularly aggressive form of environmentalism, but also a strong attack on market capitalism and a progressive vision of social justice.
The Occupy Movement should be an occasion for the American left to rethink its own moral crusades, which turn out to be morally corrosive and hence incompatible with any serious commitment to social justice.
Rawlsian “public reason” approaches to human capabilities are insufficient bases for social justice.
We can value the strengths and perspectives of those with disabilities and their loved ones while affirming objective reality and universal human dignity.
When it comes to human beings, learning must not consist in committing a pre-packaged truth to memory, but an endless process of discovery and self-critique.
Our ability to trust and the ability of others to keep promises uncorrupted make navigating social life possible.
As institutions examine their DEI initiatives and consider what to keep and what to eliminate, they should do so with the purpose of the university in mind. If they do, they’ll see that, consistent with public opinion, DEI has a role to play. Properly ordered, it should focus on goals like promoting access to the life of the mind and ensuring that people from all walks of life feel welcome on campuses.
“Reason and revelation,” “God’s creation and the natural order of things,” “the biological nature of human beings,” and “Natural Law”: these are Mahoney’s lodestars and the criteria by which he judges not just ideology’s falsehood but its destructive evil. 
It is only thanks to the work behind the scenes of office assistants, dining hall workers, and plumbers that universities and other elite organizations can and do operate relatively smoothly on a day-to-day basis. It would be good to know more about what exactly they think about DEI, about diversity statements, and about the state of affairs at the institutions where they are the ones who perform what truly is invisible labor. 
Can we insist on the biological reality of sex while denying the biological reality of the unborn child? “This far and no further” has its limits. We should make tactical partnerships in the battles that can be won today. But we shouldn’t allow tactical alliances to cloud our vision of the truth.
For believers eager to have a voice in a secular liberal society or simply to find peace and a home in such a society, and thus to avoid dispiriting “polarization,” Rauch’s appeal appears to resonate with a surprising power. 
If the DEI label is losing traction and institutions are substantively evolving, what, if anything, will replace DEI?
Reorienting our teacher education systems around personalism is no quick fix. But by doing so, we can reorient teachers and schools toward an authentic valuing of human dignity.